UN Security Council Resolution Excludes Palestinian Self-Determination
December 1st, 2025
Justice For All Canada expresses strong concern regarding the adoption of U.N. Security Council Resolution 2803, which reinforces existing violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT). While the resolution references the ceasefire and humanitarian access, these commitments have already been undermined during the current pause. Israeli attacks on Palestinian civilians have continued. We join Palestinian civil society and human rights groups in recognizing that this resolution deserves scrutiny to ensure it upholds international law and supports Palestinian self-determination. This is especially the case, since the resolution has been introduced during an ongoing genocide and its proposals include several worrying new mechanisms.
First, this resolution provides no effective role for Palestinians in managing their own affairs. It undermines Palestinian self-determination by including only a vague and conditional reference to statehood. It omits proposals for a meaningful political horizon or affirmation of Palestinian human rights.
Second, the resolution’s structure establishes a new external political and security governance under Israeli and U.S. control, entirely overriding Palestinian agency. The Board of Peace and the International Stabilization Force (ISF) are formally authorized until December 2027, but the resolution does not set sufficient limits on their authority, mandate or structure. The ISF is required to work directly with Israel and to operate within Israel’s existing security arrangements, giving Israeli a say in border control, demilitarization and civilian oversight. This establishes external governance over Gaza that replaces Palestinian political agency. There are no detailed terms of reference for either body, leaving their scope of authority insufficiently defined. Tasked with security and demilitarization, the ISF would ignore the very conditions of displacement, prolonged occupation, racial segregation, apartheid and siege that produce daily violence against Palestinians.
Third, Israel’s proposed withdrawal is also being tied to conditions it will set and assess for itself. One of these ties its withdrawal to security steps dependent on Palestinian demilitarization, while allowing Israel to maintain a security perimeter. This approach provides Israel with control over the timing and scope of its departure - a sequencing that creates risks that withdrawal will be delayed, that Israeli control over Palestinians’ movement and governance will continue in practice, and that humanitarian relief and reconstruction driven by Palestinians themselves will be delayed. Notably, any continued Israeli occupation arguably violates international law as per the International Court of Justice (ICJ)’s 2024 advisory opinion concluding that Israel must withdraw from the OPT as rapidly as possible.
The resolution's focus on Palestinian demilitarization exposes a clear discrepancy. International legal and U.N. experts have made credible conclusions that Israel is committing genocide and other grave crimes in Gaza. The International Criminal Court has issued arrest warrants for senior Israeli officials. Yet, the resolution places demilitarization requirements only on Palestinians, who are the victims of these crimes. No parallel restrictions exist for Israeli military power, nor is there any provision addressing Israel’s disarmament. This imbalance reinforces an unequal framework, in which the occupying power retains full military capacity while Palestinians are subjected to new security constraints.
Finally, the resolution puts the Board of Peace in charge of resuming humanitarian aid. Chaired by U.S. President Donald Trump, the Board claims to supervise civil and security entities, but without transparent rules, mechanisms or independent oversight to hold its decisions accountable. As a result, without leadership from the U.N. or Palestinians, the risk of subordinating humanitarian access to political or security arrangements remains high.
Real peace begins with a genuine ceasefire, where Israeli forces indefinitely stop the killing of Palestinian civilians. Any resolution must include an end to the longstanding siege, unrestricted humanitarian aid, reconstruction led by Palestinians themselves and Palestinian self-governance.
Justice For All Canada expresses strong concern regarding the adoption of U.N. Security Council Resolution 2803, which reinforces existing violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT). While the resolution references the ceasefire and humanitarian access, these commitments have already been undermined during the current pause. Israeli attacks on Palestinian civilians have continued. We join Palestinian civil society and human rights groups in recognizing that this resolution deserves scrutiny to ensure it upholds international law and supports Palestinian self-determination. This is especially the case, since the resolution has been introduced during an ongoing genocide and its proposals include several worrying new mechanisms.
First, this resolution provides no effective role for Palestinians in managing their own affairs. It undermines Palestinian self-determination by including only a vague and conditional reference to statehood. It omits proposals for a meaningful political horizon or affirmation of Palestinian human rights.
Second, the resolution’s structure establishes a new external political and security governance under Israeli and U.S. control, entirely overriding Palestinian agency. The Board of Peace and the International Stabilization Force (ISF) are formally authorized until December 2027, but the resolution does not set sufficient limits on their authority, mandate or structure. The ISF is required to work directly with Israel and to operate within Israel’s existing security arrangements, giving Israeli a say in border control, demilitarization and civilian oversight. This establishes external governance over Gaza that replaces Palestinian political agency. There are no detailed terms of reference for either body, leaving their scope of authority insufficiently defined. Tasked with security and demilitarization, the ISF would ignore the very conditions of displacement, prolonged occupation, racial segregation, apartheid and siege that produce daily violence against Palestinians.
Third, Israel’s proposed withdrawal is also being tied to conditions it will set and assess for itself. One of these ties its withdrawal to security steps dependent on Palestinian demilitarization, while allowing Israel to maintain a security perimeter. This approach provides Israel with control over the timing and scope of its departure - a sequencing that creates risks that withdrawal will be delayed, that Israeli control over Palestinians’ movement and governance will continue in practice, and that humanitarian relief and reconstruction driven by Palestinians themselves will be delayed. Notably, any continued Israeli occupation arguably violates international law as per the International Court of Justice (ICJ)’s 2024 advisory opinion concluding that Israel must withdraw from the OPT as rapidly as possible.
The resolution's focus on Palestinian demilitarization exposes a clear discrepancy. International legal and U.N. experts have made credible conclusions that Israel is committing genocide and other grave crimes in Gaza. The International Criminal Court has issued arrest warrants for senior Israeli officials. Yet, the resolution places demilitarization requirements only on Palestinians, who are the victims of these crimes. No parallel restrictions exist for Israeli military power, nor is there any provision addressing Israel’s disarmament. This imbalance reinforces an unequal framework, in which the occupying power retains full military capacity while Palestinians are subjected to new security constraints.
Finally, the resolution puts the Board of Peace in charge of resuming humanitarian aid. Chaired by U.S. President Donald Trump, the Board claims to supervise civil and security entities, but without transparent rules, mechanisms or independent oversight to hold its decisions accountable. As a result, without leadership from the U.N. or Palestinians, the risk of subordinating humanitarian access to political or security arrangements remains high.
Real peace begins with a genuine ceasefire, where Israeli forces indefinitely stop the killing of Palestinian civilians. Any resolution must include an end to the longstanding siege, unrestricted humanitarian aid, reconstruction led by Palestinians themselves and Palestinian self-governance.